In the mid 1990s, Europe’s leaders got together and, in essence, said: “wouldn’t it be great if we all got to borrow at the same rate as Germany?” And everyone around the table agreed that this would be a good thing. The decision was thus taken to a) create a currency which would resemble the DM, b) that this currency would be managed by a central bank with a mandate very similar to the Bundesbank’s and c) that countries around the Euroland would strive to harmonize their fiscal policies (Maastricht Treaty rules and Stability and Growth Pact) to ensure the long term survival of the Euro. At the time it was also envisaged that the collapse in interest rates in certain countries (Italy, Belgium, Spain…) would give a tailwind to growth which would allow governments around the more indebted EMU countries to tighten their belts and clean up their fiscal houses.

The collapse in interest rates happened, as yields converged to the German rate… but unfortunately, the clean-up in fiscal houses did not. In fact some countries like France cashed in the “growth dividend” and voted themselves greater benefits such as the 35-hour work week.

Which brings us to today and the recent widening of spreads across Europe. This widening is a sign that the market is starting to acknowledge that the promises have not been kept. . But of course, the main problem with that solution is that it implies that Europe’s governments will have to tighten their belts over the coming quarters, i.e.: at the worst possible time in the cycle. After all, it is always hard for a government to pull back and shrink its size of the GDP cake… but in an economic slowdown, it is close to impossible.

It is all the harder to do when there is little political will for far-reaching reforms. As a former German central banker once told us: “I use to think that France needed a Margaret Thatcher, I now realize she needs an Arthur Scargill” (Scargill was the Trotskyite leader of the Miner’s Strike). In other words, to get a government to shrink its size, you first need a serious crisis (or a scarecrow a la Scargill); only then do people accept real sacrifices.

And we should make no mistake about it: reforming Europe’s welfare states will take real sacrifices. Take pensions as an example: for years, most European countries have run a pay-as-you-go system whereby people of my generation will pay directly for the retirement benefits of my dad’s generation (actually, this sounds like what I do at GaveKal every day). In other words, Europe’s pension systems are usually massive pyramid schemes; they work as long as the base grows and ever more people contribute to the bottom of the pyramid. The problem, of course, is that in a growing number of European countries, the base is no longer growing.

As such, the off-balance sheet liabilities assumed by the government in matters of pensions which, until recently, had always been self-funding, are now set to come back on the governments’ balance sheets. Now the last time Europe ran a comprehensive survey of pension liabilities was in 2003… and the data back then was scary. We guess the situation does not look any better today.

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